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Hezbollah’s rockets on northern Israel, Houthis’ actions against ships in the Red Sea, logistical support for Hamas in Gaza and attacks on American bases. Behind all these actions, many States point to Tehran’s involvement. Indeed, for the past 45 years, the Islamic Republic of Iran has continuously expanded its influence in the region. It all began with an unprecedented religious revolution led by Ayatollah Khomeini in 1979. Revered for the mysticism of the duodeciman (12th) shiites, Khomeini enforced the supremacy of the religious leader and defined the fundamental objectives of the clerical state as “the expansion of divine sovereignty in the world, the defense of the oppressed, and the unity of the Islamic world.”
The following is a review of the origins of a Persian religious fervor that has significantly reshaped the geopolitical dynamics in the Middle East and propagated extremist Islamic activism all the way to the West.
“In Iran, the revolution was not aimed at overthrowing the monarchy, but rather at laying the foundations of a divine-inspired republic.”
In a speech delivered shortly after his triumphant return to Tehran on February 1, 1979, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini makes no secret of his intentions. He is determined to turn Iran into an Islamic Republic, a project he had nurtured during his fifteen years in exile and which would be realized two months later, after his followers took control of the country and silenced all opposition to the burgeoning theocracy.
Sporting a serious appearance and a voice tinged with gravity, the 77 year-old cleric differs from a passionate orator. However, his firm and relentless gaze betrays an inner fire and an unwavering thirst for revenge. Having stood against the Shah since the 1960s, he commands immense respect among the lower clergy and parts of the pious working class. Backed by a group of religious intellectuals who paved his way to power, he now sets forth on his conquest strategy with their unwavering support.
Even two months before his return, thousands of Iranians, chanting “Allahu Akbar!” in the streets, claimed to have seen the face of the Ayatollah reflected on the moon! Skillfully capitalizing on this myth, the mullahs celebrated the event in mosques, boldly declaring that “when the sun rises in the west, the Mahdi will return” (sic). However, Khomeini, – whose face mirrored on the Moon like the Sun, – was actually in the west, in France, at Neauphle-le-Château…
One should undoubtedly explore the Persians’ collective subconscious to uncover the origins of this mystical veneration. The figure of Khomeini resonates with the duodeciman myth of the Hidden Imam. Duodeciman Shiism, or Imamate, predominantly embraced by Iranians, emerged from the conflicts among the successors of Prophet Muhammad. Shiites acknowledge Ali, Muhammad’s son-in-law, and his eleven descendants as Muslims’ sole true spiritual leaders. The twelfth Imam, Mohammad, who mysteriously disappeared at the age of 5, is regarded as the Mahdi, the Lord of Time, the Savior who will reemerge at the end of his great eclipse to bring forth the revelation of the Real Quran, perfect governance and universal justice.
Khomeini might not be the Mahdi, but he’s definitely his powerful representative. Upon his return, he is bestowed with the title of Imam and a remarkable array of accolades: “The Supreme Leader of Muslims,” “The Regent of the Hidden Imam,” “The Glorious Defender of the Faith,” “The Avenger,” “The Idol Breaker,” “Satan’s Conqueror,” “The Sole Hope of the Oppressed.”
‘The Cult of Martyrdom’
Khomeini’s followers believe that his glory stems from his long years of exile, which turned him into “a persecuted” person and “a martyr.” In turn, his persona intertwines with that of Hussein, the Prince of Martyrs, the third Imam killed and beheaded by his opponents at the Battle of Karbala in 680 AD, an event that led to the schism between Shiites and Sunnis. Given Ali’s descendants’ tragic fates, martyrdom is deeply embedded in Shiite religious ideology. Morteza Motahari, a key theorist of the Islamic Republic and Khomeini’s close confidant, advocated that “Islam is not Christianity; it is a religion of upheaval, revolution, bloodshed and martyrdom.”
The most striking symbol of this Shiite martyrdom aura is located at the grand cemetery, in southern Tehran. A 5-meter-high fountain, from which flows a red-blood-like liquid, inviting pilgrims to reflect. According to Khomeini, this monument encapsulates “the very essence of Islam’s message.”
However, the principle of martyrdom reached its peak during the war with Iraq, from 1980 to 1988. The “Party of Allah” mobilized thousands of adolescents to the war front with a cynical slogan: “Offer one of your children to the Imam!” This call was answered by over a million fervent families. The children who were handed a Kalashnikov and a plastic key to Paradise to wear around their necks, pledged an oath: “… In the name of Allah, the Avenger, I swear by the Holy Book to fulfill my sacred duty as a Child of the Imam and Soldier of Islam in our holy war to restore the Light of Divine Justice to this world.”
A number of these children, adorned with the red headband worn by contenders for martyrdom, would be sent to be blown up on minefields to facilitate the troops’ progression.
Once firmly established in power, the “Glorious Defender of the Faith” would only appear on a balcony, surrounded by a clever lights’ arrangement, bestowing upon him a divine aura. People from all corners of the Islamic world would gather to catch a glimpse of the revered figure in his sanctuary in Niavaran and to listen to his miraculous words. For the worshipers seated down below on the ground, he truly is God’s emissary, the unwavering bearer of a messianic message to the entire Muslim world. As such, on April 1, 1979, the date of the official establishment of the Islamic Republic, he stated that this day marks “the dawn of the first day of Allah’s governance, which will witness the downfall of the erroneous god and the satanic domination, and will be replaced by the governance of the oppressed.”
‘A Philosopher-King’
To those interested in history lessons (from which nobody ever seems to learn!), it’s worth recalling that in the early days of the revolution, few outside Iran grasped Khomeini’s universalist intentions. Blinded by shortsightedness, as often happens with regard to the intricacies of the East, a few prominent European intellectuals, especially Jean-Paul Sartre and Michel Foucault, openly expressed sympathy for the religious revolution, viewing it as a “spontaneous eruption of spiritual energy” and “a resurgence of faith in political life.” For quite some time, they had singled out the autocratic rule of the Shah – admittedly flawed and prone to mistakes – as their primary target. The Ayatollah’s success in toppling the Pahlavi dictatorship, aligned with the Americans, was cause enough for their satisfaction. Enthralled by the old man’s serene preaching, head bowed, beneath his apple tree in Neauphle-le-Château, some went as far as describing him as a “saint of the 20th century” or “the Gandhi of Islam!”
Even the CIA, in a report cited by TIME Magazine on February 10, 1979, described Khomeini as a “philosopher-king,” an idealistic moralist in the Platonic tradition, who aimed to eradicate corruption and then retire to his school in the holy city of Qom. Furthermore, when senior officers of the Imperial Army, loyal to the Shah, sought to resist Khomeini’s ascent to power, American General Huyser secretly negotiated their neutrality, arguing that “an Islamic regime in Iran would be the strongest defense against Soviet influence in the region.” This was a major mistake that the Americans would repeat in Afghanistan, supporting Osama Bin Laden and the Taliban against the Soviet invasion.
However, much like in Mein Kampf, everything was plainly laid out. And Khomeini is no Gandhi. Simply delving into the Ayatollah’s earliest writings and listening to the hundreds of tapes circulated by his followers would have exposed his vision for a religious state and unveiled his rhetoric peppered with condemnations, particularly aimed “against the Jews and cross-worshipers who conspired in secret to demean and eventually wipe out Islam from Iran.”
Timid Opposition and Repression
In the early weeks following his return to Tehran, however, peril loomed for Allah’s representative, who lacked the necessary apparatus to consolidate his power. While he sets up a provisional government, tensions brew among multiple factions, foreshadowing potential chaos. Even within the highest ranks of the clergy, divisions emerged. As Khomeini’s true intentions became clear, esteemed grand ayatollahs like Taleghani and Shariat-Madari chose the opposition path, adhering to the longstanding Shiite tradition that rejects religious meddling in state affairs.
For the advocates of this belief, while Shiism may be a religion of dissent, the concept of political Islam presents a fundamental contradiction, especially in seeking to reconcile “republic” and “Islamic.” Nevertheless, these critics were gradually silenced. This opposition group includes the existing political parties in Iran, ranging from secular nationalists to leftists, who, although reluctantly acknowledged the unstoppable surge of the Khomeinist revolution, had high hopes to establish a progressive, liberal state — perhaps with an “Islamic” tint — and entertained the idea of swiftly relegating the Ayatollah to his scholarly activities.
This was certainly not Khomeini’s intention, as he never utters the word “freedom,” and he views democracy as “a corrupt system spread by the impious West.” The idea of having individuals from civil society elected to legislate outside divine law is perceived to be a heresy. Addressing the liberals who constituted the provisional government, he stated, “Forsake your ideologies and embrace Islam!” And he preaches the following to his believers, “Do not listen to those who talk about democracy. They are against Islam. Break the poisoned pens of all those who speak of nationalism, democracy, and many other things…” And, more threateningly, “I will hit the actual government in the face. I will bring all these people to trial before the courts that I will appoint!” And he followed through. As early as March 1979, the religious message transitioned into authoritarian political action, marking the distinctiveness of the Iranian clerical regime. The Imam’s supporters set out to quash all resistance to the clergy’s grip on the levers of the state. In laying the groundwork for a totalitarian state, the militants of the “Party of Allah” took to the streets, wielding knives, batons and Molotov cocktails against dissidents. Political opponents were assassinated, newspapers were set on fire, and women who refused the veil were hunted down. Islamic Committees dictated the law in neighborhoods. To consolidate the new power, Khomeini created the militia of the Revolutionary Guards. Serving as both police and parallel army, the Pasdaran became the armed enforcement of religious arbitrariness in all areas of Iranian society. Later on, abroad, they spearheaded the mullahs’ foreign policy.
During the summer of 1979, Islamic courts were tasked with eliminating all suspected supporters of the “non-believer system.” Judges acted swiftly, handing down 12,000 executions and imprisoning 100,000 opponents, while three million Iranians chose exile. The ruthless prosecutor Ladjevardi declared, “Some call us Islamic terrorists. But we are only obeying Allah’s orders. We are killing and terrorizing the unbelievers and hypocrites for His sake. We are mere instruments of divine will. Allah Himself, who decided to cleanse this world before it’s too late!”
Wilayat al-Fakih
Crafted in utmost secrecy, the new Constitution, promulgated in December 1979, is founded on the principle of Wilayat al-Fakih, the authority of the religious jurisprudence. As the Supreme Leader for life, Khomeini, and his future successors alone, can now validate any decision with religious, political, social or military implications, ensuring that nothing deviates from the principles of Islam. In its preamble, the Constitution of the Islamic Republic states that “during its revolutionary fulfillment, our nation has cleansed itself of impious dust and mold. It has rid itself of ideological mingling with foreigners. It has returned to authentic Islamic doctrinal positions and worldviews.”
Therefore, the meaning of the challenges that Tehran consistently unleashed for over four decades becomes clear. Indeed, the triumph of Islam in a single country holds no meaning to the “Spiritual Guide.” Dismissing the concept of nationalism as something “that undermines the essence of the prophets’ message,” he regards Iran as a “liberated (small) part of the Islamic territory.”
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