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In his book Lebanon and the Surrounding Countries, the renowned historian Jawad Boulos—who played a key role in the Lebanese Front, a sovereignty-oriented group during the early stages of the war—argues that geography and the natural environment are fundamental factors in shaping the history of a nation. With the dramatic advancements in communication and transportation technologies, some today challenge this view, suggesting that geography’s impact on history and the socio-cultural characteristics of a population within a given territory may be less significant than once believed.
In Lebanon’s unique context, the impact of geography—especially the country’s mountainous terrain and varying proximity to the “center”—continues to influence the political behavior of its diverse social groups. This influence is most apparent in the ingrained communal instincts that persist across generations. Walid Joumblatt recently highlighted this during a discussion in Achrafieh, organized by former minister Ibrahim Najjar. He shared that his visit to Becharre for his granddaughter’s baptism, near the symbolic Qadicha Valley, gave him a deeper appreciation for the resilience, determination and deep-rooted connection to the land exhibited by the Maronites of the northern highlands.
Walid Joumblatt’s insightful remark sheds light, perhaps unintentionally, on deeply entrenched societal realities in Lebanon that many chose to overlook. Ignoring these realities risks stirring dangerous sectarian tensions. Lebanon’s history, both past and present, is rife with examples of factions that, believing they had reached an unassailable peak of power, disregarded the unique sensitivities and characteristics of other communities. Time has repeatedly demonstrated that the dominance of these politically shortsighted factions was ultimately short-lived.
This political blindness can be explained either by an extreme arrogance that defies comprehension or by a profound ignorance of local realities, including the impact of geographical features on the collective mindset, behavior and the particularities of different segments of society. For instance, Hezbollah has, for decades—particularly since 2004—demonstrated a noticeable disregard for, or lack of understanding of, the societal realities in Lebanon.
In a recent television interview, former MP and ex-Secretary General of March 14, Fares Souhaid, pointedly remarked that Hezbollah “does not know Lebanon.” The extensive history and conduct of the pro-Iranian group, especially since the Syrian withdrawal in 2005, indeed reveal significant shortcomings in grasping the realities and intricacies of “deep Lebanon,” both within the party’s leadership and among its regional backers.
Hezbollah’s misunderstanding of Lebanon’s socio-political and communal realities has led to significant issues. The party views Lebanon as its “private domain,” which it manipulates at its discretion. This perspective has plunged the country into ongoing wars and conflicts that primarily serve Tehran’s hegemonic ambitions. Hezbollah has effectively taken the entire population hostage, showing a blatant disregard for the need for genuine civil peace that Lebanese people have been denied for decades.
This disregard for local complexities has led to reckless actions, such as the militia invasion on May 7, 2008, of Beirut neighborhoods controlled by the Future Movement to subdue the Sunni group, and even more egregiously, the attempt to seize Druze strongholds in the Mountain region. Additionally, the failed offensive against the Christian stronghold of Ain el-Remmane on October 14, 2021, and periodic social media attacks on Bkerke and the Maronite patriarch—due to his repeated calls for Lebanese neutrality—further exemplify this fundamental misjudgment of Lebanon’s intricate social and political fabric.
Moreover, the pro-Iranian party recently sought to assert its control over the Sunni region of Saida by unsuccessfully trying to marginalize the city’s Sunni MP, Oussama Saad. Since the 2022 legislative elections, Saad has distanced himself from Hezbollah, rejecting blind allegiance to the Shiite party. This misstep has inadvertently bolstered Saad’s popularity and enhanced his political standing.
The list of these perilous blunders, often marked by the use of violence, is extensive. Each one deepens the growing resentment towards a faction that treats Lebanon merely as a stage for advancing the ambitions of the Supreme Leader of the Iranian Islamic Revolution.
Let us dream of a near future where Hezbollah’s leadership makes a genuine intellectual effort to grasp the profound connection that other Lebanese communities have with their land, mountains, freedom, beliefs, customs, culture and history.
