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His name comes up in every presidential election as a potential candidate for the highest office. Sleiman Frangieh is labeled as the candidate of the “Mumanaa” (the Iranian-Syrian axis) by his detractors, and as an “ideal” candidate by his supporters, due to his political affiliation and proximity to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and to Hezbollah. His strength lies in his personal conviction that he will become president. To better understand him, one must delve into the personal and political journey of this atypical candidate.
The presidential race has been the subject of speculation for months, especially since Michel Aoun left the Baabda Palace on October 31, 2022. All of the 11 parliamentary electoral sessions that followed met the same fate because the ‘Shiite duo’ had not yet declared its candidate, though no one doubted that it would be Sleiman Frangieh. No candidate had been able to secure the 86 votes required in the first round. Each time, the deputies of Amal and Hezbollah broke the quorum after the tallying of the first-round votes.
On March 6, 2023, Hezbollah’s Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah officially announced his support for Sleiman Frangieh, joining Parliament Speaker Nabih Berry. It is rumored that Frangieh is supported by the Shiite leader in return for siding with Hezbollah when the latter succeeded in getting Michel Aoun elected as President of the Republic in 2016.
This eternal candidate has long been a “remake” of the “presidential election play.” It started in 1998, at the end of Elias Hraoui’s term. The Syrian regime then preferred Emile Lahoud, who was the army’s commander-in-chief at the time. The same scenario was repeated in 2004 with the extension of Émile Lahoud’s term for a period of three years.
In 2008, Michel Sleiman, also commander of the army, acceded to the top post as a “compromise” figure following the Doha Agreement. Frangieh’s third aborted attempt at the presidency took place in 2015. Following a year and a half of presidential vacancy, Frangieh’s chances of being elected to the highest office shot up when Saad Hariri openly supported his candidature. However, the Lebanese Forces, caught between a rock and a hard place, chose Michel Aoun. The deal was sealed in Meerab, and in January 2016, the so-called ‘Meerab Agreement’ between the Free Patriotic Movement and the Lebanese Forces was announced during a solemn ceremony. Michel Aoun was elected with the unconditional support of Hezbollah and the agreement of major Christian parties. Once again, Sleiman Frangieh was sidelined.
So, who is this relatively unknown person on the international level, who, nonetheless, has been deeply rooted in the power circles of Lebanon for generations?
The Assad connection
Sleiman Frangieh was born in Zghorta in 1965 into a “political” family, as these are commonly called in Lebanon. His grandfather, whom he is named after, was the President of the Republic from 1970 to 1976, and his father, Tony, was a member of parliament. His parents and sister were assassinated on June 13, 1978, in their house in Ehden, North Lebanon. He was the sole survivor.
This event undoubtedly had a strong impact on the person he has become. Raised by his grandfather, uncle, and aunts, he grew up deprived of the affection and discipline that a family provides.
Young Sleiman Frangieh quickly developed his own networks and asserted himself in managing the internal power dynamics of his political family as well as in the region of Zghorta. He was 13 the first time he met Syrian President Hafez al-Assad, and he quickly formed a friendship with Bassel al-Assad, the political heir of his father, who was killed in a car accident in Damascus in 1994.
This friendship has allowed him to gain and maintain, until today, the trust of the Assad family, as well as an excessive influence in internal politics.
Pilot, Photographer, Environmentalist
To those who criticize Sleiman Frangieh for not having pursued secondary and university studies, his close associates recall the security circumstances of the time (the early 1980’s), when it would have been too dangerous for him to venture beyond the few square kilometers to which he was confined. They emphasize that he was educated by life, in the absence of an academic education. Sleiman Frangieh is said to have self-educated extensively, with a particular interest in history. It is on this basis that he established his headquarters in the village of Bnachii, the site of a major battle fought by the people of Zghorta against the Ottomans.
To counter criticisms of his lack of intellectual depth, other close circles point out his skills as a pilot (he holds a diploma and can fly aircrafts), alongside his talent as a great photographer with a sensitivity to the intelligence of nature. Frangieh is also known to be a keen hunter and a confirmed environmentalist. Thanks to his efforts, the Ehden Forest has been declared a natural reserve.
Both his friends and detractors agree that he is sympathetic, considerate, and transparent. He is very direct in his speeches and generally avoids insinuations. Some of his close associates will say that this sometimes works against him because he does not filter what he says.
The Politician
Since the age of 17, Sleiman Frangieh has been involved in politics inherited from his family, in his village and region, taking over the leadership of the Marada militia organization from his uncle Robert (which he later transformed into a political movement). Due to the war, he had to wait until 1990 to enter national politics. He became the youngest member of parliament on June 7, 1991, and served as a parliamentarian five times thereafter until 2018. He held several ministerial positions from 1992 to 2005, including Minister of Health from 1996 to 1998 and from 2000 to 2004 (in Rafic Hariri’s governments), and Minister of Interior from 2004 to 2005 (in Omar Karameh’s government).
His friendship with the Assad family and the Syrian regime granted him access to the highest echelons of power and provided him with the necessary protection. He has always claimed not to have used his connections with the Assads to bring himself into the spotlight or to act against Lebanon’s interests.
He held the position of Minister of Interior when the winds changed… Rafic Hariri was assassinated, and he, like many other pro-Syrian figures, was pointed at, as the Damascus regime was accused of orchestrating the February 14, 2005 attack. He faced severe backlash from the Sunni community. Frangieh found himself in an awkward position as he opposed the withdrawal of Syrian forces that same year. In an attempt to regain balance at the national level, he had to find another ally among the Islamic forces. It was at this time, according to his statements to the press, that he moved closer to Hezbollah.
The Alliance with Hezbollah
Sleiman Frangieh has always proclaimed his attachment to his Arab identity. The political history of his grandfather and his grand-uncle Hamid Frangieh, and their commitment to Gamal Abdel Nasser’s pan-Arab project (in opposition to Camille Chamoun’s Baghdad Pact, the political enemy of the Frangieh family), is an integral part of his political discourse.
His Arab affiliation, which conceals a deeply rooted pro-Syrian stance, is in direct conflict with the pro-Iranian discourse and the affiliation to the Wilayat al-Faqih (Guardianship of the Jurist) of his ally, Hezbollah.
His close circles explain that at the time when Mr. Frangieh drew closer to Hezbollah, there was no such schism between Arab identity and Iranian identity, nor a purely Iranian connotation in Hezbollah’s discourse. Over time, ties were forged between the Shiite party and Frangieh, but he does not fully embrace their ideology. The same circles emphasize that his Lebanese identity takes precedence above all, and protecting the interests of Christians, in his view, requires openness to all components of the Lebanese community. However, he does not explain (nor will he be the only one not to) how Christians could benefit from the support of a party that advocates for establishing an Islamic regime in Lebanon.
In 2018, under the auspices of Maronite Patriarch Bechara Boutros Al-Rahi, Sleiman Frangieh concluded a long process of reconciliation with the Kataeb and Lebanese Forces by bridging the gap with Samir Geagea (his lifelong enemy, accused of involvement in the operation that led to the assassination of his parents). However, this does not prevent him from remaining committed to the “resistance” (referring to Hezbollah). He also failed to instrumentalize this reconciliation to build a new Christian cover for himself.
Sleiman Frangieh has been highly critical of the October 2019 uprising and, after the August 4, 2020 explosion at the port of Beirut, of Judge Tarek Bitar, who is in charge of the investigation, denouncing what he considers to be a politicized inquiry.
The candidate
Sleiman Frangieh has been in the waiting room for the presidency for many years, giving him enough time to develop a plan and a vision for “his” mandate. Even though his vision has not yet been disclosed, he has announced to the press on several occasions that, if elected, he wants to “leave a mark in history.”
According to both his friends and detractors, he is an engaging person, especially in his speeches. Undoubtedly, his discourse is simple and usually gets straight to the point. This works in his favor as it appeals to the masses who are tired of hearing politicians using complicated rhetoric. However, this simplicity works against him when he tries to communicate about economic recovery or the complexities of the judicial system. In terms of political communication, he is not adept at handling such issues.
Despite claiming to be consistent in his political positions, he does not explain the apparent shift he has made in evaluating the profile of the Maronite candidate for the presidency. In the past, in his opinion, the candidate had to be representative of his community and accepted by other communities. Today, he defends his own candidacy despite lacking a popular base.
According to his close circles, he believes he is capable of addressing the major contentious issues he would face as president, including reforms, refugees, border demarcation with Syria, and defense strategy. He is open to dialogue and believes his close relations with the Syrian-Iranian axis are an asset. He feels that since he has their trust and is “transparent,” he can raise the touchy subjects with them in a direct manner. In doing so, he disregards the principle that state relations and interests cannot be based on personal relationships.
In a televised interview he claimed that, if he faces obstacles as a result of political tactics, he would step down. This remains to be seen…
However, as a candidate, his alliance with Hezbollah and Amal has worked against him. By proclaiming their support for Sleiman Frangieh, Hassan Nasrallah and Nabih Berry have made him the candidate of the Mumanaa, facing strong opposition (not only from Christians, but also partially from Druze and Sunni communities).
The poor results obtained by his political movement in the last parliamentary elections in May 2022 (with only one seat in Parliament for his son, Tony, who came in second place in his stronghold of Zghorta) also failed to remove the label of being the evident “protégé” of the obstructionist axis.
The man, the politician, and the candidate from Zghorta is a polarizing figure. His strength lies in his unwavering conviction that he will become president, in his non-conformist nature, and in his belonging to a politically influential family that has served Lebanon for several generations. This affiliation makes him the ideal candidate in the eyes of his supporters, as it renders him capable of navigating the intricacies of Lebanese politics.
That being said, his political past, his positions, and his alliance with the Assads and Hezbollah have garnered opposition from a significant portion of the population and political parties.
He must now prove that he could be a president, beyond this polarization, at a time when Lebanon needs to make drastic and dangerous turns.
