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3. Can the Lebanese Army Move Against Hezbollah Before Washington Loses Patience?

In the windowless corridors of the Rayburn House Office Building and the high-stakes briefing rooms of Foggy Bottom, Washington’s long-standing consensus on Lebanon is fracturing.

For years, U.S. policy toward the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) was treated as a "sacred cow," a low-cost investment to keep a fragile state from collapse. But as of May 2026, that consensus has given way to skepticism that now jeopardizes the LAF’s funding lifeline from Washington.

“The LAF remains the glue that has held Lebanon together over a challenging period of instability,” Congressman Darin LaHood told This is Beirut.

Yet in Washington, a hawkish Congress and an impatient White House increasingly view the LAF as a subsidized bystander. In their view, it is too afraid or too compromised to confront Hezbollah after the Lebanese government issued decrees ordering the Iranian-backed group’s disarmament.

“The U.S. is asking a lot from the LAF, but we also know that Lebanon is unlikely to deliver real results. There are real limits to what can be expected,” former Assistant Secretary of State David Schenker told This is Beirut.

As Lebanese and Israeli diplomatic and military representatives meet in Washington this week, the issue of Hezbollah’s weapons and Beirut’s efforts to disarm the organization has emerged as a central focus of the talks.

Intensifying Pressure

Pressure has intensified since U.S. General Joseph Clearfield, Washington’s senior military representative in Lebanon, met on May 2 with LAF chief Rodolphe Haykal. Washington made clear that the LAF must take a central role in enforcing Hezbollah’s disarmament, even as diplomatic negotiations and ceasefire mechanisms proceed in parallel.

The U.S. is no longer content to write blank checks for the LAF, as reports suggest Washington is increasingly conditioning aid on measurable progress against Hezbollah.

Meanwhile, Israeli officials argue that Lebanon’s failure to tackle Hezbollah’s weapons justifies continued military operations in Lebanon after a U.S.-brokered ceasefire that took effect on April 17.

“It is important to continue to recognize the need for LAF support and training as they maintain efforts to fully disarm Hezbollah and protect Lebanese sovereignty and stability,” LaHood said.

He cautioned, however, that “this support does not come without significant oversight and standards for accountability.”

Schenker, meanwhile, said Congress was already moving to condition future assistance to Lebanon on tangible progress.

“If there’s no demonstrable effort against Hezbollah, support will fade,” he said.

No Illusions

In Washington, there is no illusion that the Lebanese authorities can or will act decisively. “The government in Beirut has made it clear it will not take any steps that could risk civil war, especially when it comes to Hezbollah’s weapons,” Schenker said.

“If Lebanon continues to offer only vague intentions and no concrete action, U.S. interest will diminish. We've seen this before: after a period of hope, attention shifted elsewhere when promises went unfulfilled,” he said.

Some officials in the Donald Trump administration see the direct talks between Lebanon and Israel as promising. However, Schenker said that “just having negotiations does not guarantee a permanent ceasefire.”

“Any progress is ultimately dependent on real accomplishments, not just promises,” he added.

U.S. frustration is not new, but the stakes have risen amid a fragile ceasefire and near-daily exchanges of fire between Hezbollah and Israel, all unfolding within a broader regional confrontation between Washington and Tehran.

“Many in Lebanon, even within the government, feel helpless in the face of Iranian influence. The government can make decisions, but it cannot implement them when it comes to Hezbollah or Iran’s presence,” Schenker said.

“The Lebanese, whether they want peace with Israel or not, do not want Iran to continue to make decisions on issues of war and peace for Lebanon.”

Paralysis and Excuses

After Lebanon’s cabinet took the unprecedented step on March 2 of banning Hezbollah’s military activities, the LAF balked at implementing the order. Following the government decision, Haykal cited concerns about preserving Lebanon’s civil peace.

Retired LAF Gen. Khalil Gemayel told This is Beirut that the scars of the Lebanese Civil War have left the army hostage to the political status quo and institutionally averse to domestic conflict.

“The LAF has previous experience dealing with militia weapons, and when there is no political consensus to remove them, it has no power to do so,” he said. “These arms are sectarian in nature, and the LAF can only disarm through political agreement.”

In Washington, perceptions are even bleaker, with the LAF viewed as hollowed out by the very state it is meant to serve. Matthew Levitt, a senior fellow at the Washington Institute, summed up what he sees as the absurdity of policy debates surrounding continued funding for the Lebanese army.

“Eight thousand [LAF soldiers] are assigned [to the south], but at any given time, half of them are driving Ubers or working in restaurants because they haven't been paid.” This, he notes, is the “rounding error” that now defines Lebanese sovereignty. The U.S. is, in effect, funding the survival of a gig-economy military.

Senator Roger Wicker, chairman of the U.S. Senate Armed Services Committee, has made clear that Congress would not support a military that fails to serve as a counterweight to Hezbollah.

“Congress should not support the LAF unless it acts to disarm Hezbollah completely — and immediately,” he said on April 21.

The central criticism is that the LAF does not just lack the capacities to confront Hezbollah, but is unwilling to challenge the organization that Washington sees as driving Lebanon’s crises.

Fleeting Chance

Hezbollah, which long claimed to be a protector of the Shia community, has now become a magnet for its destruction. Since the militia opened a front against Israel on October 8, 2023, its military strength has been severely weakened. Hezbollah’s loss of long-time leader Hassan Nasrallah, killed by Israel in September 2024, has left the Shia community searching for direction and placed the movement’s rationale under increasing scrutiny.

There is, on paper, a fleeting chance for change. Even Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, Hezbollah’s long-time political ally and occasional rival, has begun quietly acquiescing to Lebanese state plans to assert sovereignty as the regional balance shifts against Iran.

Congressman LaHood described the moment as “a once in a generation opportunity for Lebanon to eliminate the malign cancer of Hezbollah and work towards normalization and peace with Israel.”

Yet, the LAF remains inert, waiting for a “critical moment” that Secretary of State Marco Rubio and other hawks in the Trump administration believe passed months ago.

“All policy and diplomatic options should be on the table while discussions continue between Israel and Lebanon, but the shared goals of stability and peace for both countries should be the foundation of these discussions,” LaHood told This Is Beirut.

But the clock is ticking, and the American message is clear: the window is closing.