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The last statement of Abdallah Bou Habib (the so-called Minister of Foreign Affairs of Lebanon), insofar as the military presence of Hezbollah in South Lebanon, reflects the instructions of his mentors and the state of subordination of the cabinet, formed by Najib Mikati, to its diktat. The purported legitimacy of this cabinet should be questioned from a constitutional standpoint and its incumbents denied representativeness, on account of their illegal mandate, political subservience to the Iranian political agenda, and outright violation of national sovereignty. We have come to a point where any condescension towards an open domination strategy equates with complicity and constitutional betrayal.
There are no more attenuating circumstances that justify the ongoing coup d’État conducted through the deliberate compliance of ministers, who have no other standing but the one conceded by the Iranian patron and its flunkeys. It should be made clear that the power configuration in Lebanon has lost its constitutional grounding and should be opposed on this very basis. The political and legal extraterritoriality of Hezbollah and its subordinates should be highly emphasized and serve as a platform for a vocal opposition. The declaration of war against Israel is an illegal act that was never discussed, consented to, and endorsed by the different Lebanese constituencies, and Hezbollah should, single-handedly, bear the brunt of its political and military policies. It should be stated very clearly that Hezbollah and its Iranian handler violated UN resolutions 62, 425, 1559, 1680, and 1701 and their annexes. Lebanon is bound by these resolutions and, therefore, is not in a state of war with Israel. The whole plot revolving around the “unified battlefields” is an ideological hoax crafted by the Iranian regional subversion policy and broadcasted by its ancillaries.
The situation in Lebanon is like the one in Irak, whereby, the Iranian regime is trying to sway the balancing politics of the previous cabinets, annex the duplicitous government of Mohammad Shayya’ al Sudani, force the withdrawal of the American troops on the political agenda, put back Irak on the road to civil war and discretionary political void. The Iraqi political scenery is as divided as its Lebanese corollary and on its way to joining the scenarios of political chaos prevailing throughout the Iranian condominiums in Lebanon, Syria, and the Palestinian fractured political landscape. The frozen political conflicts on the Iraqi-Syrian interfaces, the battered Lebanese sovereignty, and the Palestinian everlasting political dependency are adroitly instrumentalized by the alternating Arab, Islamic, and Russian power brokers.
The defeat of Hamas and the modulated containment of Hezbollah and acolytes is mandated if this cycle of open-ended conflicts is to end, yield to diplomacy and negotiated conflict resolution, and rehabilitate international mediation. Oppositions in Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, and amongst Palestinians should demonstrate their resolve and move beyond the ideological fallacies and political strictures forced on their respective countries and political environments, and the plying of national sovereignty by transnational ideologies and power politics. Domestic actors have to display their opposition and rally the international actors working actively on stopping violence and reintroducing alternative political dynamics of conflict resolution and peacemaking.
