Disputes within the Free Patriotic Movement (FPM), initiated by its leader Gebran Bassil, have become public and widely discussed. Bassil’s efforts to undermine and eliminate party cadres have intensified, especially after the 2022 elections and a significant decline in the party’s Christian representation—from nearly 70% in 2005 to less than 20% today.
Mohammed Shamsuddin, a researcher at the International Information Statistics Center, indicated that an ISI study showed the FPM received 75,499 votes among the Maronites compared to 113,633 votes for the Lebanese Forces.
The popularity of the FPM appears to be continuously decreasing due to Bassil’s current measures within the party, leading to discontent among several figures and cadres. Bassil seems to be replacing long-standing members and MPs with new ones he considers more loyal.
When asked about the dissensions in the party, an FPM leader told This is Beirut that “normally, there should not be dissension in the party, but what is fueling this is Bassil’s attitude. He recently initiated a series of decisions and procedures against MPs whom he considers insufficiently loyal to him.”
He asserted that “biased polls, which no one was aware of before their publication, recall the practices of dictatorial regimes accustomed to this type of charade.”
“But beyond their non-credibility, the most serious issue is Bassil's intention to give a semblance of legitimacy to future decisions directed against certain representatives,” he continued.
Regarding the future influence and power of the FPM, he noted, “Bassil is turning the party into his personal property, unwilling to support anyone who does not show loyalty to him, thus failing to recognize their merit and right to participate in the decision-making process,” emphasizing that “he is trying to 'liquidate' them.”
On the other hand, the Head of the Lebanese Forces’ Communication and Media Department, Charles Jabbour, told This is Beirut that “the Free Patriotic Movement suffered the largest number of cadre losses in the history of Lebanon’s parties, from Elias Zoghbi and Elie Mahfouz to the cadres it loses today.”
“The FPM still exists today, but its popularity has declined significantly from the time of General Aoun’s return in 2005 to his arrival at Baabda and the contradictions it faces today,” he added.
As evidence of these contradictions, Jabbour indicated that “Bassil does not want Sleiman Frangieh as president, knowing that if there had been good management by President Aoun when he was in Baabda, Gebran Bassil would be a candidate for the presidency of the Republic today.”
“If Aoun had not worked to bring Bassil to the presidency when he was in Baabda, and if there had been better management of several issues, such as electricity, Bassil would have been a presidential candidate today, if not for the contradictions, alliances, and mismanagement,” Jabbour concluded.
Last April, Bassil ousted Deputy Speaker Elias Bou Saab from the FPM after two years of conflict over the presidency. In addition to Bou Saab, many cadres have left the party without being dismissed or set aside, especially after the dispute with Army Commander General Joseph Aoun, who was supported by the majority of the FPM before President Michel Aoun’s term.
If the FPM remains active in Lebanese politics, it will not retain the influence it had after the 2005 and 2009 elections. The Aounist party is no longer the predominant Christian voice and is witnessing a decline in power, from university elections to parliamentary seats. If this trend continues, even their political allies may seek out other, more influential parties.
Mohammed Shamsuddin, a researcher at the International Information Statistics Center, indicated that an ISI study showed the FPM received 75,499 votes among the Maronites compared to 113,633 votes for the Lebanese Forces.
The popularity of the FPM appears to be continuously decreasing due to Bassil’s current measures within the party, leading to discontent among several figures and cadres. Bassil seems to be replacing long-standing members and MPs with new ones he considers more loyal.
When asked about the dissensions in the party, an FPM leader told This is Beirut that “normally, there should not be dissension in the party, but what is fueling this is Bassil’s attitude. He recently initiated a series of decisions and procedures against MPs whom he considers insufficiently loyal to him.”
He asserted that “biased polls, which no one was aware of before their publication, recall the practices of dictatorial regimes accustomed to this type of charade.”
“But beyond their non-credibility, the most serious issue is Bassil's intention to give a semblance of legitimacy to future decisions directed against certain representatives,” he continued.
Regarding the future influence and power of the FPM, he noted, “Bassil is turning the party into his personal property, unwilling to support anyone who does not show loyalty to him, thus failing to recognize their merit and right to participate in the decision-making process,” emphasizing that “he is trying to 'liquidate' them.”
On the other hand, the Head of the Lebanese Forces’ Communication and Media Department, Charles Jabbour, told This is Beirut that “the Free Patriotic Movement suffered the largest number of cadre losses in the history of Lebanon’s parties, from Elias Zoghbi and Elie Mahfouz to the cadres it loses today.”
“The FPM still exists today, but its popularity has declined significantly from the time of General Aoun’s return in 2005 to his arrival at Baabda and the contradictions it faces today,” he added.
As evidence of these contradictions, Jabbour indicated that “Bassil does not want Sleiman Frangieh as president, knowing that if there had been good management by President Aoun when he was in Baabda, Gebran Bassil would be a candidate for the presidency of the Republic today.”
“If Aoun had not worked to bring Bassil to the presidency when he was in Baabda, and if there had been better management of several issues, such as electricity, Bassil would have been a presidential candidate today, if not for the contradictions, alliances, and mismanagement,” Jabbour concluded.
Last April, Bassil ousted Deputy Speaker Elias Bou Saab from the FPM after two years of conflict over the presidency. In addition to Bou Saab, many cadres have left the party without being dismissed or set aside, especially after the dispute with Army Commander General Joseph Aoun, who was supported by the majority of the FPM before President Michel Aoun’s term.
If the FPM remains active in Lebanese politics, it will not retain the influence it had after the 2005 and 2009 elections. The Aounist party is no longer the predominant Christian voice and is witnessing a decline in power, from university elections to parliamentary seats. If this trend continues, even their political allies may seek out other, more influential parties.
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