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After the civil war, the declining number of Christians in Lebanon was cause for alarm not only in the country, but in the region too, knowing that Lebanon is the only Middle Eastern state to have a Christian president.
Immigration and the impossibility for expatriates to reclaim their citizenship became a major hurdle as far as the protection of Christians is concerned. As for the social changes that occurred within the Christian community – before impacting the Muslim society – including quality of life and the number of children per family, they played an important role in that context too. If one were to add to this all of the political crises that have so clearly impacted Christians – from the Taef accords that many Christians believe have limited their prerogatives, to the premeditated marginalization and incarceration of several Christian leaders – one would understand that the real problem is not merely limited to numbers or figures.
However, Christians are now reclaiming their status, through the electoral law, their participation in government and the President’s role – even if such a role is contested by some. Now, they are sharing governance again, through their political parties instead of their historic and nepotic leaders. This is a clear sign of a democratic tendency within the Christian community, as opposed to the feudal mentality found in other areas.
The last three years were optimistic ones for the Christians of Lebanon. Yes, some might disagree, especially given the fact that the August 4 port explosion occurred in a Christian neighborhood of Beirut and that the presidency is still vacant: a threat to the role of this community. Long-term speculation points to something different altogether.
The spark that would reestablish the role of Christians was not lit by the Christians themselves, but by fanaticism in the other community, which prompted moderate Muslims to seek out Christians and protect them.
One must not forget the day when rigged statistics were posted on social media over a year ago, wrongfully stating that Christians made up only 19% of the Lebanese population. The first mistake made then was when former Prime Minister Najib Mikati approved these figures, although they had no legal basis and were mere estimates covering residents only, not all citizens; electoral lists undoubtedly show otherwise.
At that time, one of the earliest reactions came from former minister Wiam Wahhab, who bravely stated that Christians’ weight lies in their role, not their number, and that they epitomize the spirit of education, medicine, culture, literature and the arts. Wahhab added that most moderate Muslim leaders had graduated from Christian schools and universities, notably institutions founded by missionaries in the nineteenth century that were expanded later.
The second reaction was made by MP Marwan Hamade who declared that Christian presence was what made Lebanon power through countless storms, attracting the attention of the West, and keeping this small country at a safe distance from impending danger.
Both statements are correct, and both were made by Druze figures. The historical conflict that raged in Mount Lebanon and pitted Christians against Druze did not sideline the great importance of Christians in the eyes of their counterparts on the mountain. The latter know full well that the former paint a good image of them to the world, without threatening Druze presence and traditions.
It is crucial that other communities recognize this role too, and that moderate people from these same communities understand that Christians are fully capable of painting a good image of them to the rest of the world. This would dilute events such as the burning of a Christmas tree – now perceived as alien by some – in Tripoli at the hands of fanatics.
Adopting this new mentality would guarantee the safety of Christians in Lebanon, even if they constituted less than 1% of the total population.
