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The war in Gaza has brought to the forefront the Houthis, a Yemeni armed group currently targeting the Israeli state and strategic interests of Israel and the United States in the Red Sea. Who are these Houthis and what connections do they have with Iran?
Emerging in 1992 and known as the Houthis, named after their spiritual leader Hussein Badreddine el-Houthi, they waged several wars against President Ali Abdallah Saleh regime from 2004 to 2010, operating from Saada, their stronghold in northern Yemen. Saleh, forced to step down in 2012, became their main ally in 2014 when they took control of the capital Sanaa and dissolved the Parliament.
In contrast to the Iranian network in the region (such as Hezbollah or the Iraqi Popular Mobilization Forces), the Houthi leadership presents a unique family connotation (the El-Houthi family). The Houthis hold a socio-religious status and legitimacy derived from their lineage to the Prophet’s family (Ahl el-Beit). This status has enabled them to garner support from major tribes in the north, allowing them to limit tribal associations with the former President Ali Abdallah Saleh and govern as an alternative authority for years.
Starting 2015, Saudi Arabia, leading a coalition of several Arab countries, intervened in Yemen with the goal of restoring the government’s sovereignty and dismantling the Houthi movement. Additionally, the Saudis imposed a blockade around Yemen to prevent Iran from supplying weapons to the Houthis.
Ideological Affinity between Iran and the Houthis
The Houthis, a clan from northwest Yemen, practice Zaidi Shiism. According to the Wilson Center think tank, Yemen was ruled by a Zaidi imam for 1,000 years before being overthrown in 1962. Since then, Zaidis have been striving to restore their authority and influence in Yemen. The Houthi clan, feeling threatened by state-funded Salafist preachers established in its regions during the 1980s, initiated a movement to revive its traditions. However, not all Zaidis align with the Houthi movement. Their slogan starkly echoes the propaganda of the Islamic Republic, vehemently opposing the United States and Israel. Moreover, Badreddine el-Houthi studied in Iran in the 1980s.
In conflict with the Yemeni government for over a decade, their movement expanded and opposed the central government from 2011 onward. They began self-identifying as “Ansarullah” (which literally translates into Partisans of God).
The ideological affinity between Iran and the Houthis, concerning the religious aspects of ideology, is relatively weak since Iranian Shiites follow Twelver Shiism, while the Houthis adhere to the Zaidi branch—two branches of Shiism founded on different theological principles.
After Yemen’s unification in 1990, the country became predominantly Sunni. From being a majority, Zaidis now constitute only 35% of the population, prompting them to pursue independence. According to Clingendael, ideological convictions stem from a sense of belonging to a transnational Shiism that advocates militant action against oppression—whether real or perceived. The Houthis claim to share an ideological narrative with other Shiite populations in the Middle East, fostered by Iran, regardless of doctrinal differences, resulting in their alignment with the “axis of resistance.”
Hezbollah’s Sponsorship
As per Eleonora Ardemagni of the Italian Institute of International Political Studies, Iran, through Hezbollah, has significantly sponsored the Yemeni group providing military training and enhancing guided missile operations. The resemblance between the Houthis and Hezbollah is notable, both originating as resistance movements with charismatic leaders. Similarly, warfare has allowed them to strengthen their political and military presence in the region (the 2006 war for Hezbollah and the Arab intervention in 2015 for the Houthis).
Material Support from Iran
According to United Nations websites, the Houthis began receiving weapons from Iran starting 2009. Tehran provided material support, including weapons, financing and strategic advice. In terms of military capabilities, the Houthis have transitioned from a guerrilla group to a more advanced armed force, a transformation largely influenced by their deepening relationship with Iran. Throughout the 2000s, they adopted a strategy inspired by the Iranian model, establishing learning centers and summer camps that served as recruitment hubs.
According to the Italian Institute for International Political Studies, the security assistance provided by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps – Quds Force, which included weapons smuggling, ammunition, and military training, enhanced the Houthis defense capabilities and allowed them to develop asymmetric skills. Consequently, they established new military institutions in Yemen, such as the Jihad Council, centralizing strategic decision-making with input from the Quds Force and Hezbollah on military strategy and armaments. Assistance from the Iranian network enabled the Houthis to build their own weapons factories, including drones.
In the early 2000s, the Houthis began collecting voluntary contributions and taxes for the liberation of Palestine from wealthy Yemenis and ordinary citizens. After taking control of Sanaa in 2011, they expanded their revenue sources to include gas and oil fields, extracting economic resources such as taxes, zakat, khums, and seizing customs revenues from the port of Hodeidah. This suggests that the Houthis have a robust independent financial base. However, they are considered the weakest link in the Iranian chain in terms of social assistance. During the Covid-19 pandemic, they struggled to contain the disease and provide medicines or vaccines to the populations under their control.
Iranian affiliation has also contributed to the structuring of the Houthi media network. Al-Masirah, their official media, has been broadcasting from Beirut since 2012 with technical assistance from Al-Manar, Hezbollah’s media outlet. While Iran played a more significant role after Saudi Arabia’s intervention in 2015 by supplying weaponry, the Houthis’ ultimate goal has consistently been to restore their authority in northern Yemen.
