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In a landscape ravaged by nearly two years of war between Israel and Hamas, local figures are stepping in to fill the void left by the weakening of the Palestinian movement in Gaza.
In Kizan al-Najjar, a depopulated village south of Khan Younes in the southern enclave, Hossam al-Astal, a former Palestinian Authority officer, has announced the creation of a militia called the “Anti-Terror Strike Force” (ATSF).
From his makeshift camp, he draws displaced families seeking protection, offering food, water, security and, most importantly, a life free from Islamist oversight.
In an interview with Times of Israel, Astal said he receives daily requests for shelter. His initiative is backed by tangible aid, including flour and Israeli beverages, solar panels, and military equipment, hinting at implicit coordination with the Israeli state. According to him, financial support also comes from the US, Europe, and Arab states, though he provided no further details.
The Emerging Anti-Hamas Network
Hossam al-Astal is not alone. In Rafah, along the border with Egypt, his counterpart Yasser Abou Shabab, from the Tarabin tribe, a major Bedouin clan, has spent months consolidating an alternative stronghold.
His men run communal kitchens, clinics, and makeshift schools while claiming logistical support from Israel. One of his lieutenants told Times of Israel that they maintain direct contact with Astal’s group, describing a network known as the “Popular Forces,” which aims to establish a protective belt from Khan Younes to Rafah.
These initiatives reflect a strategic logic. Israel, unwilling to assume direct governance of Gaza and rejecting the immediate return of the Palestinian Authority, occasionally relies on these local intermediaries. In June, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu acknowledged, without elaborating, that he supports certain clans hostile to Hamas.
Other, more traditional clans are also challenging Hamas’s authority. The Barbakh clan, influential in Khan Younes, has clashed with Islamist forces, including confrontations at Nasser Hospital. Its leaders say they have faced constant repression since Hamas came to power and now vow to retaliate.
Further north, the Abou Ziyad clan in Zawaida publicly accused Hamas of killing a member who tried to prevent the theft of humanitarian aid, threatening to take up arms if the perpetrators are not held accountable.
Additional families, such as the Khalas in Gaza City, the Khanidak in Khan Younes, and the Doghmuch in Sabra - historically aligned with Fatah - are frequently mentioned for their opposition to Hamas and reportedly receive support from external actors, sometimes including Israel.
While these clans lack centralized organization, their deep tribal roots, social influence, and armed presence make them key players in Gaza’s emerging anti-Hamas landscape.
A Showcase of Normality
To gain support, the new warlords promote an unusually pacifist message. “Our message to the people of Israel is that we want peace,” says Astal, who claims that “more than 80% of Gazans no longer support Hamas.”
At night, his camp lights up its makeshift huts with solar panels, a rare sight in a territory largely without electricity since October 2023. Videos circulating on social media also show supplies labeled in Hebrew, signaling an openly acknowledged flow of aid from Israel.
Despite these efforts, the groups remain highly controversial. Pro-Hamas networks label them “collaborators,” citing Astal’s past: a member of the Palestinian security forces before 2007, repeatedly imprisoned by Hamas, and sentenced to death for his alleged role in the assassination of a Hamas official in Malaysia. His ties to Israel continue to be used as a propaganda tool by his opponents.
The Risks of Tribal Fragmentation
According to the Long War Journal, the ATSF is part of a growing wave of tribal armed groups emerging in Gaza to challenge Hamas’s authority.
The organization seeks to overthrow Hamas, protect civilians, and restore Palestinian dignity, while asserting its commitment to international humanitarian law. Its funding reportedly comes from “patriotic Palestinians” both inside and outside Gaza.
However, analysts warn of serious risks. The American think tank Atlantic Council points to lessons from Afghanistan and Syria: arming local factions without a comprehensive political plan often leads to fratricidal rivalries. “The Israeli Army and government are playing with fire by supporting multiple anti-Hamas militias without a unifying framework,” cautions the think tank.
The danger is that these groups, once strengthened, could turn on one another or even against civilians. The experiences of the Barbakh and Abu Ziyad clans, which prioritize their own local interests, highlight how such initiatives could further fragment Gazan society.
Still a Marginal Influence
Despite media attention, these structures remain limited. The Jerusalem Post reports that Hamas still commands around 2,500 fighters in Gaza City alone, while the new militias number only a few hundred. The comparison highlights the gap in power.
Most of Gaza’s two million residents continue to live under Hamas’s control or influence, and no credible alternative organization has emerged. Across the Arab world, these initiatives are viewed with caution.
Between Survival and Politics
At this stage, the groups led by Astal, Abou Shabab, and the Barbakh and Abu Ziyad clans are neither armies nor political parties. They are primarily attempts at community survival, protected and sometimes instrumentalized by Israel, in an exhausted Gaza Strip.
Their future depends less on determination than on the establishment of a broader political framework, which is currently absent. While Hamas has lost some ground, it has not lost its grip. A few hundred rifles, even aimed at it, are insufficient to replace the politico-military apparatus that has governed Gaza for nearly two decades.
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